Afrifem in Action : Bénédicte Bailou Presents Femin-In, a feminist movement promoting the participation of young women in politics (Burkina Faso)

Our Afrifem in Action series highlights the important initiatives, movements, and content that are created by and for African feminists. In this interview, Chanceline Mevowanou speaks with Bénédicte Bailou, a feminist lawyer from Burkina Faso, founder and CEO of Femin-In, a feminist movement working on engaging more young women in politics. 

Hello Bénédicte, thank you for taking the time to speak with us. Could you introduce yourself? 

My name is Bénédicte Bailou. I am a lawyer specialising in women’s rights and gender-based violence (GBV). I am from Burkina Faso, and I live in Ouagadougou.  I’m the CEO of Fémin-In, a feminist and youth organisation in Burkina Faso. I’m also an appointed representative of the Burkinabè transitional legislative assembly [Assemblée Législative de Transition (ALT)] on behalf of women’s civil society organizations at the national level.

Congratulations on this appointment. Could you briefly explain what being a representative of the transitional government entails? 

A representative of the transitional government is like a Member of Parliament. The main difference is that we’re not elected but appointed by our constituents. I am the representative of women's civil society organisations nationwide. So, members of society appoint people to sit in the transitional legislative assembly, uphold the Constitution and its authority, and assist the President and the government in the resolution of the issues we are currently facing in Burkina Faso.

What does being a feminist mean to you, Bénédicte?  

For me being a feminist is to be rebellious. To be outraged by the patriarchy, a system of oppression against women based on a presumed natural supremacy of men over women. So, I am a rebellious person. I am against every social relationship that puts women in a subordinate position. For me, this is what it means to be a feminist.

Earlier when you introduced yourself, you said you were the CEO of Fémin-In, a feminist youth organisation in Burkina Faso. What does the name Fémin-In mean?

The main objective that led to the creation of the movement is the promotion of the participation of young women in politics in general and the promotion of the civic participation of young women. So, Fémin-in is made of “Fémin” for “women” and “In” is for “involvement”. To say “Women involved in… politics.”

What prompted you to create Femin-in?

The concept of Fémin-In came in early 2017 after I completed a female leadership training. The program allowed me to determine what I wanted to do and made me see the vision I had for my life and what I could do for my community. Then, I met our current general secretary at a forum, and we brainstormed together. We’re often told that young women aren’t engaged enough in politics. This is however not true. There is this presumed incompetence automatically attributed to women when they get promoted. To overcome this, and to stop hearing that women are incompetent, we decided to offer them political education. We educate ourselves too, because we are politically ambitious in this country. This is what prompted the creation of Fémin-In. 

This is inspiring. How did Fémin-In begin to act to engage more young women in politics?

Fémin-In was launched in 2019 after the concept phase. We are legally registered since November 6th, 2019. Before that, we worked without a legal status. But our reality forced us to opt for legal registration. We started by implementing an incubation program that provides a one-year training for young girls who aspire to get involved in politics. For the launch, we got in touch with a sister who also works to promote young women’s political engagement. She advised us and showed us how to take action. This is how we launched the program.

How does the program work, concretely? 

We start with a call for applications for young girls and young women aged 18 to 35. When the recruitment is over, we have the first round of interviews and then practical training. Since we do not have funding for this program, we reach out to trainers who believe in empowering young girls and who embrace Fémin-In’s vision. Once we reach out, we ask them to give some of their time for the program and the training sessions. In the program, participants are trained in speech writing, political communication, and analysis of candidates' political agendas. We work on Saturdays and online. because some of our participants aren’t based in Ouagadougou.

At the end of the incubation program, are there any follow-up activities with the participants?

Yes, we follow up on the participants. During the incubation phase, we have a mentorship program. We connect our young participants with men and women involved in politics, to give them an opportunity to see the reality of how things work.. It’s pointless to train people and then leave them on their own. The mentoring program is part of our follow-up process. We also offer fieldwork, like visiting municipalities, or the Parliament to allow the girls to have an insight into how these spaces work. For the first edition of the incubation program, we worked with fifteen young women, because we feel that fifteen is a number that can be followed up after the program. The follow-up can be done over five years. Our goal is to work with a small number of people but to have tangible results.

In 2021, we were supposed to have municipal and legislative elections. We had trainees from our program who wanted to run in these elections. Some of them had joined political parties and wanted to contest in these elections as candidates. Unfortunately, the political situation in our country became problematic and the elections were canceled. They could not contest.

Very interesting to know. How many editions of this program have you completed?

The 2021 edition was our first. We're in the process of restructuring the program. We realized that one year is too much for the girls. We are reviewing the format and will relaunch it this 2023. The year 2022 was for figuring out solutions to the shortcomings of the first edition.

What challenges did you face in implementing this program?

Fémin-In is a feminist organisation. From the get-go, we set that tone. Fémin-In is feminist, Bénédicte is a feminist, and all those involved in Fémin-In are feminists as well. So, our first challenge was how our society understands and accepts the word “Feminist”. We were attacked and bullied online. We still experience that, but we are unfortunately, used to it. It’s not new anymore.

The second challenge was women’s involvement. Why do we want women to get involved? Why do we want them to occupy leadership positions? Why must women be present in decision-making circles? Women in political parties traditionally oversee mobilization, catering, and treasury. This was the second challenge: making society accept that women must participate, have their say, and their part to play in the development of Burkina Faso.

To overcome these challenges and for the implementation of the program in general, did you have support from older women who are already in the political arena in Burkina?

Generally speaking, yes... Some were not available to assist us, because they felt that the idea should have come from them. But in the large amount of support that we've had, these women are drops in the bucket of support that we've received. We've had a lot of women who have supported us, a lot of female predecessors who have carried us along, who have introduced us to great people, and who have been mentors to our participants.

How do you think intergenerational collaboration can help further the work of political and civic participation of young women that Fémin-In does?

Intergenerational collaboration is a beautiful thing. It is important because it allows the young people, the younger ones, to see and know some realities and also to avoid making the mistakes that these predecessors made. But I believe our main issue in getting our predecessors’ support is communication.

They don't necessarily see things as we do. Some of them still see things through the prism of post-colonization. I mean independence, the realities of independence. However, today, the opening to the world that the African States offer us provides us with opportunities that they, unfortunately, did not have. And these opportunities, even if there are hardships in them, place us in a position that makes them say "they did not struggle". But it is important to discuss and work with them.  

In the feminist movement in Burkina Faso, how do you think collaborations with female predecessors are going?

The problem in Burkina Faso is that there are not many women who call themselves feminists. They call themselves defenders of women's rights, but they do not call themselves "feminists". So unfortunately, it’s impossible to interact with someone who refuses to even use feminist terminology... the word “Feminism”. It is difficult. Few of them refer to themselves as feminists. I have one person in mind. Someone I know personally who supports feminist organizations; her name is Monique Ilboudo. She was a Minister of Human Rights here in Burkina Faso and is a Law professor at the university. She is also a writer who has written many books. She is an outspoken feminist. There is also Mariam Lamizana who fights against female genital mutilation. She also calls herself a feminist. They have participated in the shifting of the laws here. It’s easier to start a conversation with them…

What are the other activities that Fémin-In implements, apart from the program for the political involvement of young women?

After the program for the promotion of young women's political engagement, Fémin-In started by organizing campaigns to raise awareness about gender-based violence and sexual and reproductive health. We advocate, train, and document. In West Africa, we lack real and recent data on sexual and reproductive health. We conduct numerous studies, like studies on the availability of sexual and reproductive health resources for youth, adolescents and minority groups. Fémin-In also carries out a rehabilitation program for victims and survivors of violence against women. We have set up a legal and psychological clinic that provides legal and automatic psychological assistance to girls and women victims of violence.

The psychological support is great. We really need it.

Yes, because unfortunately, the state bodies do not automatically take into account the psychological aspect. Even civil society organizations do not prioritise this when a woman or girl is a victim of violence. We also have the social aspect that we put in motion when the survivor does not have the income to take care of herself. For example, we set up an income-generating activity for her. Our support is holistic.

Fémin-In also does feminist education. We are a feminist organization, and we believe that the more feminists there are in Burkina Faso, the more the issues that women and girls experience can be solved. We educate the population in general and more specifically girls and women about feminism, understanding what it is, and becoming feminists. 

Does the work you do with Femin-In for women's political participation have an impact on you?

Yes, absolutely. Because I like to say that I too need to be trained. I used to be a trainee too. Because I needed it, and others also needed it. When we validated our mandate, we had to elect the president of the TLA. I wanted to run in this election as a candidate for president of the TLA for two reasons. 

For the younger women, because we are talking about representation, never in Burkina Faso has a woman been a candidate for the election of the president of the assembly. So, in the collective conscience, society thinks that only a man can be in this position. I ran to show that women could also hold this position. The second reason was also to say that women can do it, are doing it...and will do it in the future. We are capable. Young women are involved, they are committed enough, and competent enough to hold these leadership positions. The incubation program training has helped me a lot in doing that. 

What are your plans for Fémin-In for the coming years and what do you need to achieve these ambitions?

Fémin-In's ambition is to train as many women as possible, as many young women as possible, to be assertive and confident, and to occupy positions of responsibility. I want them to know that today or in five years, they can be candidates or voters, and that if they decide not to run as candidates, they can judge the political programs of those who run. We will no longer vote for someone because they’re from our village. We are not going to vote for someone because they speak well or are eloquent. No. Our vote will be based on their plans for the society. What is the place of women in this program? What place does education have? That's what we want to achieve. That's what we want to have. We want to train women to be politicians and to see politics differently. That is Fémin-in’s primary ambition.

The second ambition is to become and serve as the feminist organization of reference in Burkina Faso and the sub-region because we believe that feminism is political. We know that it is by having a feminist approach to the issues we face that we will get sustainable solutions. 

To do so, Fémin-In needs technical capacity building on many themes and funding to be able to implement our programs. The incubation program does not yet have funding.

Where can we follow Fémin-In now?

Our website is under construction. In the meantime, we can be found on Facebook and Twitter. 

Thank you Bénédicte. We hope the work of Fémin-In reaches more people in the future.

Connect with Femin-In

Wondering how you can learn, support or amplify the work of Femin-In? Connect with them on Twitter et Facebook. You can also follow Bénédicte on Twitter.

Afrifem in Action: Shining A Spotlight on OluTimehin Kukoyi and THS GRLS (Nigeria)

Our Afrifem in Action interviews highlight the important initiatives, movements, and content that are created by and for African feminists. In this conversation, we speak to OluTimehin Kukoyi, a queer feminist writer from Nigeria who has recently launched a newsletter with the THS GRLS collective.

Hello Timehin, thank you for speaking with us. Can you briefly introduce yourself? 

Hello, thanks for having me! I’m a Yoruba-Itsekiri woman born and raised in Lagos, living in the non-traditional, all-female household of my dreams. Currently, I describe myself as a writer in transition. I spent most of the last decade writing extensively about gender, sexuality and class, with a focus on exposing structural injustice around these issues. Now, I’m taking a bit of a break to reorient myself. This is because I’m learning how to move towards what I want to see, rather than my work being primarily about resistance. 

You recently convened a feminist group called THS GRLS. Please tell us more about it. How did this collective come to be? 

THS GRLS is the early form of a need I’ve had for a long time, which is to be part of an explicitly queer feminist group based in Nigeria which focuses on education and community. The central idea is to engage with feminist knowledge in an accessible and actionable way, connect intentionally with older feminists and African feminist institutions, and hopefully broaden what it means to be a (young) African feminist beyond saviourism, reactionary politics, or the idea that what men have is what we want. 

The name THS GRLS (pronounced Those Girls) comes from a 2018 essay I wrote titled “There They Are, Those Girls.” The essay is specifically about coming into my own as a queer person, but what it means to be one of those girls more broadly is to be someone who belongs entirely to oneself. The way I see it, in order to belong to yourself in a patriarchal society, you have to know yourself and be willing to stand apart from the crowd. You have to be secure in who you are and the people you are in community with. Most importantly, you have to be willing to be transformed such that your example transforms others too.

And what would you say is the mission for THS GRLS?

At THS GRLS, our mission is to build collective power and liberation, without discrimination, for African women and LGBTQ+ people through community, advocacy and solidarity. We spent a lot of time thinking about how to word this mission clearly and simply, and now we’re spending more time thinking about the strategies we will use to bring it to life beyond our Founding Membership. As we slowly shape this initiative, we see ourselves as the first beneficiaries of our work. What this means is that we practice everything we believe to the best of our ability amongst ourselves, giving the care, solidarity and support that we plan to offer our future community to one another now. We do everything with the awareness that we cannot serve an imaginary other in the future without serving the very real people who are part of THS GRLS today.

For those who find our mission resonant and seek to join us, to be one of THS GRLS is to own your power and use it in generative, liberatory ways. It is to accept that because progress is created by building safe and well-resourced communities, no one changes anything alone. It is also committing to deep learning that helps us understand the intersecting systems that we are up against, not simply to resist them, but to subvert and delegitimise their hold over us. THS GRLS is about being ready to create a new reality by starting from the margins, and to cultivate the kind of trust that keeps all people safe not because we are perfect, but because we are committed to such safety.

How does the THS GRLS collective want to create more space for women and gender expansive people to be free? What does freedom for women and gender expansive people look like to you? 

Our strategies are still unfolding, even to us. Our first commitment is to be actively and intentionally connected to those who are already succeeding at creating freedom for women and gender-expansive people. We’re in talks with a couple of feminist organisations that we respect, and also identifying queer and other collectives that we can exchange knowledge and resources with. Part of the original dream is also to create guides, toolkits and other tools that people can rely on to create autonomous THS GRLS chapters, as well as to have in-person gatherings that allow people to sharpen their political consciousness and build solidarity through relationships. 

I think freedom is born from pre-existing freedom. When people discover new possibilities through the life or work of others, it absolutely makes a difference. I am freer today because I once sat in a circle of queer Black women who lived into their personal freedom, and their stories gave me the key to discover my own self. I have better language to describe my dreams and realities because I spent years reading people like Trudy of Gradient Lair and Oyeronke Oyewumi of CUNY who wrote into their intellectual freedom. I have more space to be myself thanks to women like Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi of AWDF, Nana Darkoa Sekyiamah of Adventures [from the Bedrooms of African Women] and Charmaine Pereira of Feminist Africa who built communities of power and care. My hope is that THS GRLS will, by its example, create such portals into freedom for other people.

To me, freedom for women and gender-expansive people looks like the presence of love, dignity and the resources to live a fulfilling life. It looks like the absence of violence both grave and gratuitous. Mostly, it looks like abundant space to be who we are, as we are.

Can you tell us more about the THS GRLS newsletter and what it’s going to look like? 

The THS GRLS newsletter is our first offering. It will focus on bringing accessible and actionable queer feminist knowledge to people who are interested in it. We’re using a newsletter model because THS GRLS isn’t a media company and we’re not looking for interest from the general public. What we want is for people to opt in to the experience; we want to know that even if only five people read us, those five people want to read us. 

Our plan for the newsletter is for it to be written by most of our Founding Members and a few guest writers and published on a biweekly basis. We’re taking a low-frequency approach because we want to give our writers time to create good work and our readers time to ruminate on what they receive from us. I’m really excited about the newsletter because I’m both a queer feminist and a nerd, and knowledge always makes me happy.

Let’s talk more about your personal connection with this initiative. How has your work on the newsletter and with THS GRLS impacted you as an African woman and as a feminist?

Well, we’re still very much in our gestation phase, so my answer to this isn’t as robust as it might be in, say, one year. However, I’ve been really affirmed by the fact that people have not only joined, but have stayed part of our Founding Membership simply because they believe in this idea. I sat on it for years because I was thinking of myself as a dreamer rather than a doer, so to find myself slowly becoming a doer is a fantastic experience.

What is one lesson that you have learned during this process that you would like to share with other African feminists? 

Choose community first. Everything else will follow.

How can the Eyala community access the newsletter when it comes out? How can we participate in the work of THS GRLS in general?  

I’d be thrilled to share our announcement with you! We recently put out the subscription link and we plan to publish in a week or so . There will be plenty of time to subscribe and spread the word before we start writing to our community and engaging with the responses, critiques and other feedback they provide. For now, you can find us on Instagram and Twitter.

Let’s finish with our favourite final question: what is your feminist life motto? 

Oh, I don’t actually have one. But if I did, it would be about love, power and the necessity of building freedom by telling the truth to one another.

Find out more, support & connect

For more information on THS GRLS, follow their social media pages on Twitter and Instagram.

Interested in the newsletter? Subscribe here and be the first to read it when the first issue drops.

“We must channel all our anger into taking action to safeguard existing abortion rights” - Dr Satang Nabaneh (The Gambia )

By Jama Jack

A recent leak has revealed plans by the Supreme Court of the United States of America (SCOTUS) to overturn the landmark Roe v Wade decision, which provided guarantees for federal constitutional protections for abortion rights in the country. Rightful outrage has followed this leak, with calls for resistance to ensure that abortion rights remain accessible for all birthing persons everywhere.  

While this development directly affects the USA, the consequences on abortion rights and wider sexual and reproductive rights in the international community are evident. 

We spoke with Dr Satang Nabaneh, feminist scholar and activist from The Gambia on this new development. Satang has done extensive research on abortion rights in Africa and has also been involved in movement-building and policy advocacy in this area. We discuss what the SCOTUS decision would mean for African countries, and the actions that African feminists can take. Here’s our short interview.

Hello Satang! Thank you for accepting our invitation to speak on this important issue. Could you briefly tell our community who you are and what you do? 

My name is Satang Nabaneh. I am originally from The Gambia, and I currently live in the USA. I am a proud African feminist scholar and activist trying to bridge the worlds of theory and practice. My feminist work through activism, action-oriented research, and equitable knowledge production on diverse issues as part of ongoing collective efforts, is broadly geared towards challenging gender and other intersecting inequalities.

Tell me a bit about your work on abortion rights. What drove you to this path and what has that journey looked like so far? 

I was born and raised in a predominantly Muslim society in The Gambia, where abortion is highly restricted. While religion plays an instrumental role in my life, I identify as a feminist with strong pro-choice views with a dedicated record of advocacy for bodily autonomy, sexual and reproductive health and rights, and gender equality throughout my life. This has fuelled my interest in co-convening the Sexual Reproductive Rights Network, hosted by Think Young Women, a young women-led feminist organisation I co-founded in The Gambia. 

Because of my longstanding desire to contribute to advancing reproductive and social justice, I have advocated for and conducted research that aims to uncover how laws, politics, socio-cultural and institutional factors affect sexual health and rights in Africa. At the University of Pretoria, I carried out socio-legal feminist research for my Ph.D. thesis and a forthcoming book on abortion and conscientious objection in South Africa. I have also managed various academic projects on human rights, gender, and sexual and reproductive health and rights. I was responsible for providing technical support to the African Union’s Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Women in Africa, undertaking advocacy for the implementation of the Maputo Protocol, and training African governments and civil society on the African human rights systems.

At the international, regional, and national levels, my activism and research have been distinctly focused on interrogating and developing insights into political and legal determinants as part of a broader discourse on sexual and reproductive rights related to the African region.

‘‘While religion plays an instrumental role in my life, I identify as a feminist with strong pro-choice views…”

Recently, we saw news of a leaked document from the SCOTUS showing plans to strike down Roe V Wade. What are your initial thoughts on this development? 

The leaked documents suggest that the US Supreme Court may overturn the 1973 Roe v Wade decision. Not if, but when this happens, it will constitute a blatant violation of international human rights treaties that the US has ratified. Birthing persons should not be forced to carry pregnancies to term. It marks a dangerous departure from international human rights standards and a strong political move signalling a conservative position towards abortion rights. This will exacerbate international and national opposition to sexual and reproductive services such as abortion, family planning, and comprehensive sexuality education (CSE).

This is currently happening in the USA, but there have been signals raised around how the impact will be felt around the world. What repercussions can we expect to see as the ripple effect, and what would this mean for birthing persons in African countries?

Due to US power and influence, what is currently happening would likely result in significant threats to the right to abortion for the rest of the world, including Africa. Despite the commitment to advancing abortion access, this will signal the US’ position, especially if Republicans gain more power, which will likely impact US funding and policies. We have seen the implications of the global gag rule, under which non-US organisations that receive US funding couldn’t provide, refer to, or promote abortion. President Biden rescinded this anti-abortion rule when he took office in 2021. 

It is important to note that there have been significant African regional developments and domestic reforms culminating in at least more than half of the African countries now permitting abortion on the ground of the woman’s health. The 2003 Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol) is one of the most comprehensive and progressive women’s human rights instruments adopted by the African Union (AU)  and has been ratified by 42 member states. There is evidence showing that African countries are making gains in improving legislation and policies due to sustained advocacy, especially toward the liberalisation of abortion law, thereby expanding the grounds of rape, incest, and danger to foetal health or life.

And would this be enough to counter the ripple effect from what happens in the US?

The envisaged reversal of the gains made with Roe v Wade means a negative precedent set for the international community. We have seen the rise of the anti-choice movement activities and visibility in the continent linked to ultra-conservative actors based in the Global North. These locally based organisations in Africa are provided funding, have affiliations with Western actors by setting up satellite offices or regional chapters, and do joint campaigning and other collective strategies. 

For example, the arguments made in the burial of foetal remains case in South Africa, Voice of the Unborn Baby NPC and the Catholic Archdiocese of Durban v Minister of Home Affairs and Minister of Health are similar to arguments made in the 2019 Box v Planned Parenthood. In this case, the US Supreme Court decided to uphold the constitutionality of the Indiana abortion law that mandates any clinician or facility providing abortion services to bury or cremate foetal remains rather than disposing of them as medical waste.

I was recently part of a team of scholars and activists who conducted a commissioned mapping in 2020 and early 2021 of mobilisation against sexual and reproductive rights in three countries: Ghana, Kenya, and South Africa. We sought to understand the transnational nature of such lobbying, the discourses primarily drawn upon, and the impact on public debate and the legal, political, and educational spheres in the three countries. We discovered how the ultra-conservative NGOs have not only co-opted the human rights discourse, but there are clear linkages between North American organisations, describing themselves as ‘pro-family’ and like-minded locally based groups in the African continent.

Over the years, we have also seen how African government representatives at the UN have been more conservative leaning. For example, member states of the African Group have opposed various resolutions related to issues of comprehensive sexuality education and sexual orientation and gender identity. This is not surprising as conservative organisations not only have strong collaborations with anti-rights actors in Africa but also do a focused UN-based advocacy targeting representatives from Africa.

In essence, I see a more evident ‘political threat’ for many African countries, including countries like South Africa with robust legislation, and perhaps a legal threat for African countries that want to push for more conservative legislation restricting abortion access.

While there has been a lot of outrage (rightfully!), there have also been expressions of hope that we can fight this. What can be done, really? How do you think African feminists can organise around actions to protect abortion rights?

We must channel all our anger into taking action to safeguard existing abortion rights and prevent backsliding. African feminists should continue to counter-mobilise and respond to the backlash and continued efforts to chip away at hard-won rights in Africa. Despite not being monolithic, there is a need for more unified action by pro-SRR networks. Given the agility and presence of a strong anti-SRR movement, we should not ignore global trends. In the era of increasing politics of masculinist restoration, authoritarian governance, the rise of populism, and white supremacy, we need to be strategic. We should leverage intersectional organising as a strategy that builds solidarity across issues, organisations, and communities. There is power in collective action!

Indeed! We can’t let you go without asking our standard Eyala question. What is your feminist life motto?

I have recently adopted “Rolling eyes = feminist pedagogy”  from the book Living a Feminist Life by Sara Ahmed. Sara remind us that eye rolling is a feminist killjoy strategy; a shared language we speak to other feminists about opinions in public spaces. 

I feel that very deeply! I think we’re all rolling our eyes at the Supreme Court for this decision. It’s been great to get your insights, Satang. Thank you for making time to share with us.

Additional Resources

Satang Nabaneh, The Status of Women’s Reproductive Rights in Africa, Völkerrechtsblog, 09.03.2022, doi: 10.17176/20220309-120935-0.

Satang Nabaneh, ‘The Gambia’s Political Transition to Democracy: Is Abortion Reform Possible?’ (December 2019) 21(2) Health and Human Rights Journal 167-179.

Satang Nabaneh, ‘Abortion and ‘conscientious objection’ in South Africa: The need for regulation’ in E Durojaye, G Mirugi-Mukundi & C Ngwena (eds) Advancing Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights in Africa: Constraints and Opportunities (Routledge, 2021) 16-34.

Join the conversation!

We’d love to hear your thoughts. Let us know in the comments below, or let’s chat on Twitter, Facebook or Instagram @EyalaBlog.

Want to connect with Satang? Follow her on Twitter @DrSatangNabaneh